This is an abbreviated version of the profile. A longer, expanded version will be published separately on The Jerusalem Post’s website.

Roman Gofman only took office as head of the Mossad on June 2 and had little time or opportunity to work on a transition with his predecessor. This was because, in a wild twist, David Barnea was part of a lawsuit that tried to block his appointment, which had only been resolved that week.

In a forward-looking sense, however, he will likely be one of the most powerful and influential Jews in the world over the coming year. He will have a special focus on the all-important and multi-headed Iran conflict, but also with involvement in Syria, with the US and Russia more broadly, and in combating global terror.

The Jerusalem Post understands that Gofman recognizes that his greatest challenge will probably be calibrating between advancing short-term clandestine kinetic attack or spying operations in Iran and possibly plans for regime change – which are likely to be a longer-term effort.

Gofman’s strategy for Iran

If, for many years, the Mossad was assigned to thwart and stall Iran’s nuclear program, while such efforts will continue, the agency’s role in tracking and thwarting Tehran’s ballistic missiles program may grow going forward, given the regime’s direct attacks on Israel in recent years.

All of this could lead Gofman to push the agency even further into kinetic attack missions, something that has grown in recent years, as opposed to its more traditional role as an intelligence collection agency – though that will continue.

Moreover, one of the reasons that Gofman fired the Mossad’s deputy chief “A,” its analysis chief, and its Iran desk chief was because he believes their former plans for regime change cannot go forward as they were and must either be heavily modified or entirely altered.

Gofman’s personnel changes were because, generally, the former senior officials’ plan to topple the regime failed and because he needed others with different skills. And who could better connect to his mentality for how to operate going forward?

According to his view, the situation with Iran is the most dynamic it has been in decades, and the Mossad needs to be able to jump on any openings that could be to Israel’s advantage, however unexpected – something which new outlooks will help with.

In that sense, the Post understands Gofman will probably adopt a variation of the “death by a thousand cuts” 2021-2022 Naftali Bennett strategy against Iran, but with more aggressive short-term moves against Iran mixed in to try to accelerate the regime change and threat-reduction process.

Gofman views himself as a nonpartisan figure politically, and is immediately ready to work on advancing the Mossad’s mission, whoever the next prime minister will be – whether that be Netanyahu, Gadi Eisenkot, or Naftali Bennett.

What about the specific, now widely-published incident in which Gofman, then a mid-level IDF officer, publicly butted heads with Eisenkot years ago when Eisenkot was the IDF chief?

Rather, the Post understands that Gofman will pursue the future mission of the Mossad without regard to any past interactions, and even under Netanyahu, he has been willing to voice dissent when necessary.

The Post understands that while the Mossad obviously remains committed to the defensive side of this equation, Gofman sees that changes in the balance of power with Iran may be opening up new opportunities to cut off aspects of these terror plots in a more offensive-minded manner. For Gofman, it will all start and end with Iran.

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CIA director John Ratcliffe is preparing to take a bigger role in US negotiations with Russia and Ukraine, US officials have told their European counterparts, in a bid to jump-start moribund diplomatic efforts to end the four-and-a-half-year-long war. 

The move comes as the White House is considering paring back the involvement of US special envoy Steve Witkoff and President Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, who have been leading the talks with Moscow and Kyiv, according to five people familiar with the plans. 

Officials close to Ratcliffe have told European peers that he will play a larger role in shuttle diplomacy between Russia and Ukraine — which is currently the purview of Witkoff and Kushner — while maintaining contact with intelligence officers in both countries. 

Liz Lyons, CIA director of public affairs, said: “This reporting is false.” People close to the situation said Trump has not made a final decision.

The telegraphed switch away from Witkoff has enthused European capitals desperate to see some progress after a year and a half of largely fruitless talks with Russia, which have stalled as President Vladimir Putin has refused to budge on his hardline demands.

The US administration has considered shaking up its negotiating team after US-led efforts to broker a peace deal foundered in late February, according to two people involved in back-channel talks to end the war. That diplomatic effort was put on hold as the Trump administration was preoccupied with the war in Iran, which broke out shortly after the last US-led round of Ukraine talks.

The White House said in a statement: “This entire story is totally fake news . . . None of these supposed conversations are happening. Special envoy Witkoff and Jared Kushner continue to work incredibly hard towards a peace agreement, and the President trusts them fully to lead negotiations on behalf of the United States.”

Witkoff, a close friend of Trump, would likely retain his current role as US special envoy for peace missions, which includes negotiations in the Middle East, according to people familiar with the matter. The billionaire real estate investor could also remain involved in Ukraine in parallel to Ratcliffe, they added.

Two of the people said there was a tug of war under way between Ratcliffe and Witkoff about who leads on what.

Witkoff’s freewheeling approach, bypassing the strictures of traditional diplomacy in favour of direct contacts more reminiscent of a New York real estate deal, has frustrated Russia, Ukraine and Kyiv’s western allies.

Ukraine felt that Witkoff had not done enough to pressure Putin to moderate his demands. Russia believed Witkoff shared part of the blame for the failure of a summit with Trump in Alaska last year to achieve a breakthrough, according to Ukrainian officials and people briefed on the Kremlin’s thinking.

Putin has praised Witkoff’s efforts, but Moscow has also quietly indicated it would be open to a new US approach, according to people involved in back-channel talks.

The White House also considered appointing a new US ambassador to Moscow this spring in the hope of opening another channel with Russia, according to people familiar with the matter.

Ratcliffe made a surprise visit to Moscow in late August, and discussed the wars in Ukraine and Iran, as well as Russia’s “hybrid” threats to Europe, with senior intelligence officials, according to people familiar with the matter. Trump downplayed Ratcliffe’s visit to Moscow as “sort of semi-routine”.

But Ukrainian intelligence briefed President Volodymyr Zelenskyy last week that Ratcliffe’s visit to Moscow indicated he was stepping in to take a more prominent role in US efforts to end Russia’s invasion, people familiar with the matter said.

Putin had initially planned to meet Ratcliffe, according to two people familiar with the matter. The Russian president then backed out after Ratcliffe delivered a downbeat assessment of Moscow’s war effort to senior Russian intelligence officials. Russian independent news site Agentstvo first reported that Putin had cancelled a planned meeting with Ratcliffe.

Dmitry Peskov, Putin’s spokesperson, told the FT no meeting between Putin and Ratcliffe had been planned. Trump and Putin did not discuss a potential change in the US negotiating team when they spoke by phone on Tuesday, he added.

The week after Ratcliffe’s trip to Moscow, Witkoff and Kushner flew to meet Putin in Moscow and Zelenskyy in Kyiv.

Their visit — Witkoff’s eighth trip to Russia — was in part an effort to retain the Ukraine brief, according to two people familiar with the matter.

After their visits, Witkoff and Kushner said they were optimistic the US, Russia and Ukraine could resume trilateral talks suspended since February.

But people familiar with the talks in Moscow and Kyiv told the FT that the Americans brought few new ideas and that Putin showed little indication he was prepared to back down from his earlier demands.

“You can’t solve this by dipping in and out,” one of the people said. “It’s a very complex conflict. You need properly organised, full-time work on every issue. Right now that’s not happening.”

Yuri Ushakov, the Kremlin’s top foreign policy official, said on state television on Tuesday that Putin told Trump the US could secure an immediate ceasefire by ending all support for Ukraine — in effect letting Russia win.

At the same time, Kushner has told friends he expects to move on from Ukraine and would prefer to focus on diplomatic efforts related to the conflict in Gaza and the US-Israeli war against Iran.

Three senior Ukrainian officials said Kyiv had good working relations with Ratcliffe as well as Witkoff and Kushner and had no preference for who Trump appointed to lead the US efforts.

“We’re OK with [Ratcliffe], and with Jared and Steve too,” said one of the Ukrainian officials. “The problem is the Russians.”

Additional reporting by Anne-Sylvaine Chassany in Berlin

This story has been amended to include the White House statement.